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    <title><![CDATA[Superbase]]></title> 
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    <pubDate>Fri, 08 Aug 2008 06:40:20 +0800</pubDate> 
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      <title><![CDATA[World War I Trench Warfare (1) 1914-16]]></title> 
      <link><![CDATA[http://www.military-machine.com/article.asp?id=1476]]></link> 
      <category><![CDATA[History]]></category> 
      <author><![CDATA[Admin <null@null.com>]]></author> 
      <pubDate>Wed, 06 Aug 2008 11:12:59 +0800</pubDate> 
      <description><![CDATA[<table height="218"><tr><td vAlign="top">
		<h1><img src="../uploads/History/World War I Trench Warfare (1) 1914-16.jpg"></h1> </td>
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		<p class="introText"><br/><font face="Arial" size="2">The initiative in battle was believed to lie with the attacker and though
schemes varied in detail must nations concurred that successful actions consisted of a series of phases including an advance to contact; fire fight; and conclusive finish, most likely involving the deployment of a strategic reserve and a charge to take the enemy position. The German Drill Regulations of 1906, and Field Service Regulation of 1908, outlined an ideal plan in which the infantry manoeuvred in columns until within about 1,000 metres of the enemy. Relatively close formation would allow personal voice command by the company commanders and NCOs. With the enemy position under direct observation, the artillery attached lo the Gentian brigade would open fire. If the shelling shook the enemy sufficiently the columns could continue to advance; if the enemy remained steady, the attackers would deploy into loose linear formations of smaller units, and bring the enemy under effective fire from about 500 metres. A reserve would be prepared for the final attack on a flank or weak point. Once superiority of fire had been achieved the German force could close with the bayonet.
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      <title><![CDATA[U-Boat Crews 1914-45]]></title> 
      <link><![CDATA[http://www.military-machine.com/article.asp?id=1475]]></link> 
      <category><![CDATA[History]]></category> 
      <author><![CDATA[Admin <null@null.com>]]></author> 
      <pubDate>Wed, 06 Aug 2008 11:06:16 +0800</pubDate> 
      <description><![CDATA[<table height="218"><tr><td vAlign="top">
		<h1><img src="../uploads/History/U-Boat Crews 1914-45.jpg"></h1> </td>
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		<p class="introText"><br/><font face="Arial" size="2">U-Boat activity was drastically curtailed by 1944, though in the Mediterranean, U-Boats saw action against the Allied invasion fleet at Anzio. The installation of snorkel equipment in U-Boats allowed them to recharge their batteries while still under water, thus improving their chance of avoiding detection by Allied ships or aircraft. How-ever, it was a case of too little, too late. A far more important development was the launching of the first Type XXI U-Boat, in April. This new vessel was much larger than the Type VII or Type IX and featured such luxuries as refrigerated food storage and automatic loading devices for the torpedo tubes. Unfortunately the need to retrain crews for service in these technically advanced vessels delayed their introduction into combat service until it was too late. The Allied invasion of Normandy, in June 1944, heralded the end of the U-Boat bases in France. By-August all U-Boats in France had been withdrawn to bases in Norway. In September U-Boats were withdrawn from the Mediterranean, and those based in the Black Sea were scuttled. For the first time U-Boat losses exceeded new branchings, with 264 being sunk and only 230 commissioned. Only 131 Allied ships, totalling some 701,900 tons, had been sunk.
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      <title><![CDATA[The US Navy in World War II]]></title> 
      <link><![CDATA[http://www.military-machine.com/article.asp?id=1474]]></link> 
      <category><![CDATA[History]]></category> 
      <author><![CDATA[Admin <null@null.com>]]></author> 
      <pubDate>Wed, 06 Aug 2008 11:02:19 +0800</pubDate> 
      <description><![CDATA[<table height="218"><tr><td vAlign="top">
		<h1><img src="../uploads/History/The US Navy in World War II.jpg"></h1> </td>
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		<p class="introText"><br/><font face="Arial" size="2">Three battleships came back into limited service within months of the losses at Pearl Harbor. In 1942/43 two new North Carolina and five South Dakota Class BBs came into commission; and battleships were divided between fast (28 knots-plus) and slow groups. The fast ships, with heavy AA protection, escorted carriers in Fast Attack Carrier groups and provided gunfire support for island raids; the slower, older ships mounting 14in. or 16in. guns were attached to invasion groups for shore bombardment. As the war progressed, ever more AA guns would be mounted on battleships, destroyers and cruisers in the fast attack groups. The 33,000-ton USS California (BB-44) was typical of the older ships, with 2,300 crew and main armament of 12x 14in. guns. Refloated a year alter Pearl Harbor, she participated in the Philippines, Iwo Jima and Okinawa landings. The premier battleships of the war were the four 48,000-ton Iowa (Mass ships, with crews of 2,800 and a top speed of 33 knots. Their complete armament was 9x 16in., 20x 5in., 19x quad 40mm and 50x 20mm guns. Ironically, none ever fought a ship-to-ship action.
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      <title><![CDATA[The Royal Navy 1939-45]]></title> 
      <link><![CDATA[http://www.military-machine.com/article.asp?id=1473]]></link> 
      <category><![CDATA[History]]></category> 
      <author><![CDATA[Admin <null@null.com>]]></author> 
      <pubDate>Wed, 06 Aug 2008 10:38:36 +0800</pubDate> 
      <description><![CDATA[<table height="218"><tr><td vAlign="top">
		<h1><img src="../uploads/History/The Royal Navy 1939-45.jpg"></h1> </td>
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		<p class="introText"><br/><font face="Arial" size="2">Britain, as an island nation, has always placed a great deal of faith in the Royal Navy as its protector against invasion. By the outbreak of the First World War. the 'Senior Service' had built up an unparalleled history and tradition, and appeared to be the largest and strongest navy in the world. After 1914, however, events combined to reveal serious problems, and flaws in ship design became disastrously evident in action against the German High Seas Fleet. Yet, for much of the succeeding inter-war period, the Government was unwilling to lake action to rectify the situation. This was partly a matter of economics, and the move to a peacetime economy. However, as the 1920s progressed, Britain committed herself to a number of diplomatic initiatives (the Washington Naval Treaty of 1921, the First London Naval Treaty of 1930, and the Anglo-German Naval Agreement of 1935) which limited the strength of the Royal Navy, both in terms of the total number of vessels in the Fleet by comparison with the other Great Powers, and in the size and power of individual new ship designs. These treaties meant that smaller navies were able to become almost as advanced as the Royal Navy and, in terms of the most modern ships, achieve parity with it. When these agreements were finally abandoned in 1936, and Britain was once again free to build new ships without restrictions, not even an extensive rebuilding programme could make up for lost lime. When war broke out in September 1939, the Royal Navy found itself with a large number of ships of weak or obsolescent design.
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      <title><![CDATA[Redcaps Britain&#39;s Military Police]]></title> 
      <link><![CDATA[http://www.military-machine.com/article.asp?id=1472]]></link> 
      <category><![CDATA[History]]></category> 
      <author><![CDATA[Admin <null@null.com>]]></author> 
      <pubDate>Wed, 06 Aug 2008 10:35:42 +0800</pubDate> 
      <description><![CDATA[<table height="218"><tr><td vAlign="top">
		<h1><img src="../uploads/History/Redcaps Britain's Military Police.jpg"></h1> </td>
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		<p class="introText"><br/><font face="Arial" size="2">These duties, so carefully set out by Francis Markham in 1662, changed little over the next hundred years or so, a period when mutiny and desertion were commonplace. (That of the Royal Regiment of Foot leading directly to the passing of the first Mutiny Act.) In 1739, for example, several independent companies of Scottish Highlanders were formed into the regiment that later became known as the Black Watch. Their duties had been to patrol their native highlands as a form of gendarmerie, but in 1743 the regiment was ordered to London. When they were put on standby for overseas service, 112 men deserted and set out for Scotland, but were captured and tried for mutiny. The trials were arranged by Provost Marshal Dodd of the Savoy military prison in London (one of the earliest references to the use by Provost Marshals of a military prison). Of the death sentences meted out by the courts, three were executed by firing squad at the Tower of London, and the remainder commuted to transportation of one kind or another. 
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      <title><![CDATA[Privateers &amp; Pirates 1730-1830]]></title> 
      <link><![CDATA[http://www.military-machine.com/article.asp?id=1471]]></link> 
      <category><![CDATA[History]]></category> 
      <author><![CDATA[Admin <null@null.com>]]></author> 
      <pubDate>Wed, 06 Aug 2008 10:32:33 +0800</pubDate> 
      <description><![CDATA[<table height="218"><tr><td vAlign="top">
		<h1><img src="../uploads/History/Privateers & Pirates 1730-1830.jpg"></h1> </td>
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		<p class="introText"><br/><font face="Arial" size="2">The French Revolutionary War and the Quasi-War between America and France both provided opportunities for privateers, but the failure of the French fleet to effectively challenge British control of sea power meant that by 1802, French prizes were rare. The French invasion of Spain in 1807 made the Spanish allies of the British, reducing privateering opportunities still further. The golden opportunity for ship owners on both sides of the Atlantic came in 1812, when Britain and America found themselves at war once again. The War of 1812, which lasted until 1815, saw a resurgence of privateering, and by the end of 1812 the actions of hundreds of British, American and Canadian privateers began to take effect on maritime commerce. Ship owners launched purpose-built privateering vessels, and privateering reached its peak during the second year of the war. With over 500 American privateers at sea, the British instituted transatlantic convoys for protection, and by late 1814 a powerful naval blockade of the American coast kept the Americans in port. 
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      <title><![CDATA[Elizabethan Sea Dogs 1560-1605]]></title> 
      <link><![CDATA[http://www.military-machine.com/article.asp?id=1470]]></link> 
      <category><![CDATA[History]]></category> 
      <author><![CDATA[Admin <null@null.com>]]></author> 
      <pubDate>Wed, 06 Aug 2008 10:27:55 +0800</pubDate> 
      <description><![CDATA[<table height="218"><tr><td vAlign="top">
		<h1><img src="../uploads/History/Elizabethan Sea Dogs 1560-1605.jpg"></h1> </td>
	<td vAlign="top">
		<p class="introText"><br/><font face="Arial" size="2">The PHRASE SEa DOGS summons up images ol swashbucklers, plunder on the high seas and England's sailors standing up against the overwhelming might of Spain. The era when mariners sailed as privateers, explorers, merchants or in the service of Queen Elizabeth is one of the most colourful in English history, and has been the subject of numerous books and films. Although the basic history ol the defeat ol the Spanish Armada and the raids of Sir Francis Drake on the Spanish Main is well known, a combination of nationalism and a lack of knowledge about the available source material has resulted in a very stilted view of the period. The 'Sea Dogs'; adventurers such its Drake, Hawkins, Raleigh and Frobisher, were not always as successful as the writers ol Victorian histories would have us believe, and their actions were often influenced by profit rather than by any feeling of patriotic duty. The emphasis on English naval heroes has almost obscured the fact that the Dutch and the French were also actively engaged in the often underclared war against the Spanish empire, and many of the greatest Successes of the Elizabethan heroes were brought about through co-operation with these Protestant allies. The much-maligned Spanish could also boast of a number of successes against their adversaries, and the actions of commanders such as Juan Martinez de Recalde and Pedro Menendez de Aviles have almost gone unnoticed outside Spain.
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      <title><![CDATA[American Civil War Zouaves]]></title> 
      <link><![CDATA[http://www.military-machine.com/article.asp?id=1469]]></link> 
      <category><![CDATA[History]]></category> 
      <author><![CDATA[Admin <null@null.com>]]></author> 
      <pubDate>Wed, 06 Aug 2008 10:15:24 +0800</pubDate> 
      <description><![CDATA[<table height="218"><tr><td vAlign="top">
		<h1><img src="../uploads/History/American Civil War Zouaves.jpg"></h1> </td>
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		<p class="introText"><br/><font face="Arial" size="2">After Second Bull Run a detail of officers and men from the depleted ranks of the 5th were sent to New York to recruit for the regiment. The cash bounties they offered at the 5th's recruiting office in Manhattan and the good name of the regiment attracted so many recruits that a new eight-company battalion was raised, becoming the 165th New York. Commanded by Lieutenant-colonel Abel Smith Jnr, the regiment was quartered at Camp Washington, on Staten Island, where they were mustered in on 28 November 1862 and presented with their colours by a group of dignitaries on 13 December. Plans to create a four-regiment Zouave brigade in the Army of the Potomac were shelved with the removal of General George McClellan from command, and the 165th were ordered down to Louisiana, where they joined General Nathaniel Banks' forces attacking Port Hudson, the Confederate stronghold on the Mississippi River.
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      <title><![CDATA[World War II Medal of Honor Recipients (2) - Army &amp; Air Corps]]></title> 
      <link><![CDATA[http://www.military-machine.com/article.asp?id=1468]]></link> 
      <category><![CDATA[History]]></category> 
      <author><![CDATA[Admin <null@null.com>]]></author> 
      <pubDate>Sat, 02 Aug 2008 22:12:37 +0800</pubDate> 
      <description><![CDATA[<table height="218"><tr><td vAlign="top">
		<h1><img src="../uploads/History/World War II Medal of Honor Recipients (2) - Army & Air Corps.jpg"></h1> </td>
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		<p class="introText"><br/><font face="Arial" size="2">After the Union rout at Bull Run in the summer of 1861, Northern  morale was at a very low point, and the War Department proposed the first military decoration for bravery since the short-lived Purple Heart of George Washington's time. However, Winfield Scott, General-in-Chief of the Army, dismissed the idea. The Navy Department took the lead and on December 21, 1861, a "medal of honor" was approved for Navy enlisted men. With the departure of Gen. Scott, legislation was introduced in Congress to authorize an Army medal of honor for "such noncommissioned officers and privates as shall most distinguish themselves by their gallantry in action, and other soldierlike qualities, during the present insurrection." This legislation took effect in July 1862, and in March 1863, eligibility for the medal was extended to officers and it was made a permanent award.
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      <title><![CDATA[World War II Medal of Honor Recipients (1) - Navy &amp; USMC]]></title> 
      <link><![CDATA[http://www.military-machine.com/article.asp?id=1467]]></link> 
      <category><![CDATA[History]]></category> 
      <author><![CDATA[Admin <null@null.com>]]></author> 
      <pubDate>Sat, 02 Aug 2008 22:10:01 +0800</pubDate> 
      <description><![CDATA[<table height="218"><tr><td vAlign="top">
		<h1><img src="../uploads/History/World War II Medal of Honor Recipients (1) - Navy & USMC.jpg"></h1> </td>
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		<p class="introText"><br/><font face="Arial" size="2">Controversy surrounded the idea of an award for military merit in the first century of United States history. In the minds of many, awards for military action belonged to the old European aristocratic order. Others, mindful of the difficulties and hardships of a soldier's life, saw the need for some recognition of bravery in war. The conflict between these differing opinions prevented the establishment of an award system for America's military for almost 90 years. Those favoring military awards prevailed, but only for a while. George Washington, Horatio Gates, and John Paul Jones were given medals for their service in the Revolution. In 1782, Washington established an award for "any singularly meritorious action." This award took the form of a purple cloth heart, outlined with braid, to be worn on the uniform coat. This original Purple Heart, known as "The Badge of Military Merit" was limited severely in its award and only three awards are recorded. Soon after, the Purple Heart fell into disuse until 1932, when General Douglas MacArthur, then Army Chief of Staff, reincarnated it as an award for wounds received in combat.
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      <title><![CDATA[World War I Trench Warfare (2) 1916-18]]></title> 
      <link><![CDATA[http://www.military-machine.com/article.asp?id=1466]]></link> 
      <category><![CDATA[History]]></category> 
      <author><![CDATA[Admin <null@null.com>]]></author> 
      <pubDate>Sat, 02 Aug 2008 22:05:01 +0800</pubDate> 
      <description><![CDATA[<table height="218"><tr><td vAlign="top">
		<h1><img src="../uploads/History/World War I Trench Warfare (2) 1916-18.jpg"></h1> </td>
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		<p class="introText"><br/><font face="Arial" size="2">shells appeared to open the inviting prospect of blasting the enemy from the fare of the earth - with 'drum fire', as Beumelburg's memorable metaphor put it, turning men 'into apple sauce'. The French Gen.Foch was already a disciple; as his memorandum of December 1915 stressed, offensives were made possible by their power of destruction. Artillery was the chief destructive force, which should be applied repeatedly, 'increasing all the time'. By the spring of 1916 he was stating that, 'The completeness of the artillery preparation is the measure of the success which the infantry can obtain'. At long last Britain had the wherewithal for massive preparation. Total production of 18pdr shells in 1915 had been just over live million; in 1916 it would be nearly 35 million. Less than a thousand trench mortars were produced in the first two years of war, but 5,554 were made in 1916.
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      <title><![CDATA[US Commanders of World War II (1) - Army &amp; USAAF]]></title> 
      <link><![CDATA[http://www.military-machine.com/article.asp?id=1465]]></link> 
      <category><![CDATA[History]]></category> 
      <author><![CDATA[Admin <null@null.com>]]></author> 
      <pubDate>Sat, 02 Aug 2008 22:00:32 +0800</pubDate> 
      <description><![CDATA[<table height="218"><tr><td vAlign="top">
		<h1><img src="../uploads/History/US Commanders of World War II (1) - Army & USAAF.jpg"></h1> </td>
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		<p class="introText"><br/><font face="Arial" size="2">In March 1942, the old General Headquarters was replaced by three separate but equal organizations. Lieutenant-General Lesley McNair's Army Ground Forces supervised training functions. The air arm, while remaining part of the army, acquired its own command structure. Lieutenant-General Brehon Somervell's Army Service Forces (originally called Services of Supply) took over logistics and procurement. These new organizations relieved Marshall and his general staff of much responsibility and allowed them to concentrate on operational strategy and planning. Marshall, in turn, reorganized and expanded the War Plans Division into an Operations Division that became the nerve center for all operations. Marshall used the Operations Division to supervise the theater commands and coordinate their logistical needs. The army group, each with two or more armies, was the highest US Army organization operating in the field. The composition of each army group depended upon the vagaries of coalition warfare. Thus, Omar Bradley's 12th Army Group was almost entirely American, while Jacob Devers' 6th was half French, and Mark Clark's 15th was a diverse international force. The US Army organized 11 field armies during the war. Each army had at least two corps. During the war the army formed 26 new corps. Each corps typically had one armored and two infantry divisions, plus supporting arms and services. The US Army eventually expanded to 90 divisions. By the war's end this proved barely sufficient even though its strength, not including the Air Force, had risen to over six million men.
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      <title><![CDATA[Japanese Naval Aviation Uniforms and Equipment 1937-45]]></title> 
      <link><![CDATA[http://www.military-machine.com/article.asp?id=1464]]></link> 
      <category><![CDATA[History]]></category> 
      <author><![CDATA[Admin <null@null.com>]]></author> 
      <pubDate>Sat, 02 Aug 2008 21:53:45 +0800</pubDate> 
      <description><![CDATA[<table height="218"><tr><td vAlign="top">
		<h1><img src="../uploads/History/Japanese Naval Aviation Uniforms and Equipment 1937-45.jpg"></h1> </td>
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		<p class="introText"><br/><font face="Arial" size="2">The early Japanese Navy flight helmet of 1937 was a product of what was learned during and after World War One, and throughout Japan's aviation growth of the 1920s. While the Japanese Army Air Force had closer relations with the French Air Force after World War One, the Japanese Naval Air Force based their early flight, helmets on the British and American helmets. Because the Japanese were allies to these large powers during and after World War One, the Japanese military was in a comfortable position to obtain advances in headgear design from its new allies. Japanese Navy flight helmets were well documented by Mick J. Prodger in Vintage Flying Helmets - Aviation Headgear Before The Jet Age (Schiffer Ltd., Pennsylvania 1995). In that book, Prodger discusses many details and variations of the early Japanese Naval flight helmets. This chapter will not compete with Prodger's discussion. It is designed to assist the reader by giving a quick guide to identifying the following three categories of Japanese Naval flight helmets used from 1937 to 1945. These are the Model Type 30, the Model Type 2 (1942-45), and the Model Type 3 (Hard Earphone).
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      <title><![CDATA[British Commanders of World War II]]></title> 
      <link><![CDATA[http://www.military-machine.com/article.asp?id=1463]]></link> 
      <category><![CDATA[History]]></category> 
      <author><![CDATA[Admin <null@null.com>]]></author> 
      <pubDate>Sat, 02 Aug 2008 21:43:56 +0800</pubDate> 
      <description><![CDATA[<table height="218"><tr><td vAlign="top">
		<h1><img src="../uploads/History/British Commanders of World War II.jpg"></h1> </td>
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		<p class="introText"><br/><font face="Arial" size="2">His reward was a promotion to acting admiral, and a transfer to the Home Fleet as C-in-C. His main concern was to keep the convoy routes open and free from interference by German surface units such as the Schamhorst, Gneisenau and Bismarck. In May 1941, the Bismarck attempted to  break out into the North Atlantic. Tovey disposed his ships to cover the Denmark Strait, but at such a distance from his home ports, fuel consumption was always going to be a problem. The first British ships to make contact with the Bismarck were the cruisers Suffolk and Norfolk, later reinforced by the battlecruiser Hood and the battleship Prince of Wales. In the ensuing action, Hood was sunk and Prince of Wales damaged; the Bismarck, although hit, escaped. Tovey was forced to rely on carrier-borne aircraft to locate the enemy warship, and, with his ships rapidly approaching the hunting ground of U-boats and Luftwaffe, to slow her down. Nevertheless, they succeeded, and Tovey, flying his flag in HMS King George V, sunk the German vessel in the ensuing battle. Tovey was promoted KCB for his part in the action.
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      <title><![CDATA[British Colours &amp; Standards 1747-1881 (2) - Infantry]]></title> 
      <link><![CDATA[http://www.military-machine.com/article.asp?id=1462]]></link> 
      <category><![CDATA[History]]></category> 
      <author><![CDATA[Admin <null@null.com>]]></author> 
      <pubDate>Sat, 02 Aug 2008 21:36:53 +0800</pubDate> 
      <description><![CDATA[<table height="218"><tr><td vAlign="top">
		<h1><img src="../uploads/History/British Colours & Standards 1747-1881 (2) - Infantry.jpg"></h1> </td>
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		<p class="introText"><br/><font face="Arial" size="2">Once a stand of colours had been replaced it became the personal property of the colonel. Some colonels kept the colours in the family, while others disposed of them straight away. When a new stand was presented to the 25th Foot at Newcastle-on-Tyne in 1763, its predecessor, by then precisely 20 years old and carried from Fontenoy to Minden and Wilhelmsthal, was buried with full military honours. In about 1856 the old colours of the same regiment were cut up and distributed as souvenirs amongst its officers. The colours of the 50th, carried during the Peninsular campaign, were 'cremated' in 1815, and the remains placed in a box bearing the names of those who fell whilst carrying them (although this story, common in the regiment at one time, may be apocryphal). A far more singular fate awaited a stand of the 19th Foot in 1827. When Lt.Col. Alexander Milne died at Demerara on 5 November that year, his dying wish was that he should be buried in the colours -and his request was granted. In the following year a Capt. Mason of the 4th Foot, about to marry the colonel's daughter, received a King's Colour as a wedding present!
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      <title><![CDATA[American War Of Independence Commanders]]></title> 
      <link><![CDATA[http://www.military-machine.com/article.asp?id=1461]]></link> 
      <category><![CDATA[History]]></category> 
      <author><![CDATA[Admin <null@null.com>]]></author> 
      <pubDate>Sat, 02 Aug 2008 21:33:46 +0800</pubDate> 
      <description><![CDATA[<table height="218"><tr><td vAlign="top">
		<h1><img src="../uploads/History/American War Of Independence Commanders.jpg"></h1> </td>
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		<p class="introText"><br/><font face="Arial" size="2">Gen. George Washington (1732-99)  Born on February 22, 1732, into a planter's family in Westmorland County, Virginia, the young Washington had little schooling. However, early on he showed an exceptional talent in mathematics and this led him to become a surveyor of new territories in Western Virginia when only 15. In 1752, he inherited Mount Vernon plantation when his older brother Lawrence died. With the French from Canada building several forts in the Ohio Valley, which was claimed by Virginia, 
Governor Robert Dinwiddie tasked Washington, by then a major in the militia, with delivering a summons to the French in the newly built Fort Le Boeuf (Waterford, Pennsylvania). The French commander there, Capt. Jacques Le Gardeur de Saint-Pierre, politely listened to the summons from Washington in December 1753 and passed it on to Governor-General Duquesne in Quebec. The French maintained that Ohio had first been explored by La Salle in the 17th century and Virginia's claims were thus groundless. Virginia did not see it that way and, the next spring, Washington was back in the area with a force of newly raised troops. </font></p>

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      <title><![CDATA[World War II Infantry Tactics - Squad and Platoon]]></title> 
      <link><![CDATA[http://www.military-machine.com/article.asp?id=1460]]></link> 
      <category><![CDATA[History]]></category> 
      <author><![CDATA[Admin <null@null.com>]]></author> 
      <pubDate>Thu, 31 Jul 2008 21:12:32 +0800</pubDate> 
      <description><![CDATA[<table height="218"><tr><td vAlign="top">
		<h1><img src="../uploads/History/World War II Infantry Tactics - Squad and Platoon.jpg"></h1> </td>
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		<p class="introText"><br/><font face="Arial" size="2">Quite a few men were pleased to be wounded: for the British this was the familiar 'blighty one', for the Americans the 'million dollar wound', for the Germans the very literal 'Heimatschuss', the shot that sends you home. Lieutenant Peter White, a platoon commander in 4th Bn King's Own Scottish Borderers, 52nd (Lowland) Division, noted that in the comparatively short period between October 1944 and May 1945 his little command suffered 42 casualties killed, wounded or otherwise incapacitated. A majority of these were the result of shell and mortar fire - some of it 'friendly'. Others fell to snipers and machine guns, but some defied simple categorization. Amongst these was a bad case of frostbite: two cases of 'bomb-happiness', or shell shock; and a man who was blown up by his own load of mortar bombs. One had a self-inflicted wound, another was injured whilst cooking. Only four men in the original platoon were unscathed throughout, with a further three early replacements who also survived uninjured. Allowing for those who returned very quickly or were wounded twice, the total turnover was about one hundred per cent. The experience of the KOSB was widely replicated.
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      <title><![CDATA[Wehrmacht Combat Helmets 1933-45]]></title> 
      <link><![CDATA[http://www.military-machine.com/article.asp?id=1459]]></link> 
      <category><![CDATA[History]]></category> 
      <author><![CDATA[Admin <null@null.com>]]></author> 
      <pubDate>Thu, 31 Jul 2008 21:06:42 +0800</pubDate> 
      <description><![CDATA[<table height="218"><tr><td vAlign="top">
		<h1><img src="../uploads/History/Wehrmacht Combat Helmets 1933-45.jpg"></h1> </td>
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		<p class="introText"><br/><font face="Arial" size="2">Beginning in 1942, manufacturers were required to adopt an eight-digit national business number (Reichs Betriebs Nummer - often abbreviated 'RBNr.'). This code number - intended to mask company trademarks from Allied intelligence - replaced manufacturing marks on all forms of military clothing and equipment until May 1945 (e.g. see Table 6B). Many Luftwaffe chinstraps were also marked with a military supply office (Luftwaffe Bekleidungs Amt - L.B.A.) stamp for tracking purposes. This mark was generally impressed into leather articles by both stamp and ink; on chinstraps it was placed centrally on the inside of the long end of the strap. In the early years a letter designating the location of the supply office that approved the requisition and the year of issue often followed the mark. For example, the Luftwaffe office in Stuttgart marked equipment with L.B.A.S., and that in Berlin with L.B.A.B.; in most cases these markings were discontinued from standard application after 1940.
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      <title><![CDATA[Vietnam ANZACz - Australian &amp; New Zealand Troops in Vietnam 1962-72]]></title> 
      <link><![CDATA[http://www.military-machine.com/article.asp?id=1458]]></link> 
      <category><![CDATA[History]]></category> 
      <author><![CDATA[Admin <null@null.com>]]></author> 
      <pubDate>Thu, 31 Jul 2008 21:04:41 +0800</pubDate> 
      <description><![CDATA[<table height="218"><tr><td vAlign="top">
		<h1><img src="../uploads/History/Vietnam ANZACz - Australian & New Zealand Troops in Vietnam 1962-72.jpg"></h1> </td>
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		<p class="introText"><br/><font face="Arial" size="2">The first Australians to deploy to Vietnam in 1962 were, like the first Americans, military advisers tasked with training the fledgling South Vietnamese Army. The Australian Army Training Team Vietnam (AATTV) - soon abbreviated to The Team' - would serve in Vietnam for more than ten years, and would become Australia's longest serving and most decorated unit for its small size. Members of the AATTV were all career officers and senior NCOs, mainly from the infantry, SAS and the Commando companies, with a leavening of signallers, engineers and other specialists. All were hand-picked for the task, being experts in the newly defined art of 'counter-revolutionary warfare' (CRW). Most had served in Malaya, and within the unit was a reservoir of experience and practical knowledge that the Americans were keen to exploit. As well as being an unquestionable military asset, the Team also represented a visible reminder of the spirit of the ANZUS Treaty, and members were encouraged to wear 'Australia' titles on uniform and to fly the Australian flag at their Saigon headquarters.
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      <title><![CDATA[Santa Anna&#39;s Mexican Army 1821-48]]></title> 
      <link><![CDATA[http://www.military-machine.com/article.asp?id=1457]]></link> 
      <category><![CDATA[History]]></category> 
      <author><![CDATA[Admin <null@null.com>]]></author> 
      <pubDate>Thu, 31 Jul 2008 21:00:09 +0800</pubDate> 
      <description><![CDATA[<table height="218"><tr><td vAlign="top">
		<h1><img src="../uploads/History/Santa Anna's Mexican Army 1821-48.jpg"></h1> </td>
	<td vAlign="top">
		<p class="introText"><br/><font face="Arial" size="2">Flintlock Mexican cavalry carbine, C1790-1847. According to the label pasted to the butt, it was captured at the battle of Churubusco in August 1847, and presented to Capt John H.Jackson, 9th US Infantry. The weapon has no maker's marks; Mexico had no arms manufacturers and depended upon imports, especially from Great Britain. However, this piece bears a marked resemblance to late 18th century Spanish carbines; although it conforms to no exact Spanish army model, points of resemblance include the distinctive miquelet lock, brass trigger guard and butt plate. The fairly crude wooden stock appears to be of Mexican make with the metal parts fitted locally. Trooper, Active Militia cavalry, c1826, wearing a new uniform imported from England. Several British banks, which had loaned money to Mexico and arranged this, improved on the Mexican regulation uniform by adding white tape and buttons - this extra lacing was later omitted. The helmet is black; the coat is green with red cuffs edged white and a white collar edged red (possibly a colorist's error); gray trousers have leather strapping and a red stripe; green saddle cloth and valise are edged white, and there is red binding on the horse's tail. From a print by Claude Linati. Active Militia cavalrymen at Guazacualco, south of Vera Cruz, C1826, from a print by Claude Linati. They wear broad hats and white linen clothing in this tropical region. Some were not as well appointed in January 1832, when they formed part of Santa Anna's rebel army. </font></p>

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      <title><![CDATA[Heroes of the Soviet Union 1941-45]]></title> 
      <link><![CDATA[http://www.military-machine.com/article.asp?id=1456]]></link> 
      <category><![CDATA[History]]></category> 
      <author><![CDATA[Admin <null@null.com>]]></author> 
      <pubDate>Thu, 31 Jul 2008 20:57:47 +0800</pubDate> 
      <description><![CDATA[<table height="218"><tr><td vAlign="top">
		<h1><img src="../uploads/History/Heroes of the Soviet Union 1941-45.jpg"></h1> </td>
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		<p class="introText"><br/><font face="Arial" size="2">Both Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union embarked on a frenzied period of war production. While Hitler thought of future conquests, Stalin was preoccupied with national defense. The Bolshevik leader feared an attack from the West, and believed that in order to win militarily, he had to protect his industrial capacity. His planners worked to decentralize production,
establishing factories in the Soviet Far East - a wise strategy, as later events proved. Hitler saw the spread of communism with alarm; likewise, Stalin saw the fascist states of Germany and Italy as equally threatening, and encouraged the spread of communist ideology and supported left-wing coalitions. The two ideologies clashed violently in Spain. In 1936, rebellious Spanish army officers began plotting to overthrow the leftist, pro-Soviet government. The Spanish Civil War erupted in July 1936, and Hitler sided with the anti-government faction (Nationalists), providing military aid. Fearful of losing Spain to fascism, Stalin countered by sending in Soviet "volunteers." Thus, the Germans and the Sonets fought and tested each other's military capabilities in this dress rehearsal for the Great Patriotic War.</font></p>

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      <title><![CDATA[Britain&#39;s Air Defences 1939-45]]></title> 
      <link><![CDATA[http://www.military-machine.com/article.asp?id=1455]]></link> 
      <category><![CDATA[History]]></category> 
      <author><![CDATA[Admin <null@null.com>]]></author> 
      <pubDate>Thu, 31 Jul 2008 20:55:04 +0800</pubDate> 
      <description><![CDATA[<table height="218"><tr><td vAlign="top">
		<h1><img src="../uploads/History/Britain's Air Defences 1939-45.jpg"></h1> </td>
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		<p class="introText"><br/><font face="Arial" size="2">In the spring of 1939, RAF Intelligence officers produced their assessment of the threat the Luftwaffe long-range bomber force posed to targets in Great Britain. They estimated that the force possessed about 1,600 modern bombers and, in the event of a war, these might attempt to deliver an aerial 'knock-out blow' on London. If there were no effective countermeasures, it was calculated that in the first two weeks of such an attack the capital would receive about 700 tons of bombs per day. From German records, we know those RAF figures were unduly pessimistic. When World War II opened in September 1939, the Luftwaffe possessed only 1.180 twin-engined bombers - about a quarter less than the British estimate. Of those, about a thousand bombers were serviceable. The bulk of the bomber force, nearly 800 aircraft, comprised Heinkel 111s. Most of the rest were Hornier 17s. An attack on London mounted from north-western Germany meant a round trip of 760 miles living round neutral Holland, or 720 miles firing over it. With fuel allowances to cover formation assembly, route flexibility and safety margins, neither German bomber type could reach London carrying its full load of bombs. Nor could such an attacking force receive fighter protection.
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      <title><![CDATA[Austrian Commanders of the Napoleonic Wars 1792-1815]]></title> 
      <link><![CDATA[http://www.military-machine.com/article.asp?id=1454]]></link> 
      <category><![CDATA[History]]></category> 
      <author><![CDATA[Admin <null@null.com>]]></author> 
      <pubDate>Thu, 31 Jul 2008 20:48:23 +0800</pubDate> 
      <description><![CDATA[<table height="218"><tr><td vAlign="top">
		<h1><img src="../uploads/History/Austrian Commanders of the Napoleonic Wars 1792-1815.jpg"></h1> </td>
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		<p class="introText"><br/><font face="Arial" size="2">Taking command of the Lower Rhine Army in 1796, the archduke directed the whole army in Germany after Latour, commander of the Upper Rhine Army, submitted his command. His greatest campaign, based on the 'manoeuvre of the central position', enabled him to use his numerically inferior forces in four groups (under Wartensleben, La tour, Nauendorff and himself) Lo turn first against Jourdan, defeat this army at Amberg and crush it at Wurzburg on 3 September, before turning south to defeat Moreau at Emmendingen, forcing the French to evacuate Germany. Too late, Emperor Francis finally ordered his brother to Italy in early 1707, but Charles could do nothing to halt the victorious march of Bonaparte to Leoben. Charles became drawn into Vienna's politics, and tensions with his brother would grow over time. Taking command in Germany again in 1709, Charles twice defeated Jourdan at Ostrach and Stockach in March, before being ordered to remain inactive in southern Germany, Alter the murder of the French ambassadors at Rastatt, and with an enquiry underway, Charles marched south into Switzerland to defeat Massena at First Zurich in June. 
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      <title><![CDATA[American Civil War Marines 1861-65]]></title> 
      <link><![CDATA[http://www.military-machine.com/article.asp?id=1453]]></link> 
      <category><![CDATA[History]]></category> 
      <author><![CDATA[Admin <null@null.com>]]></author> 
      <pubDate>Thu, 31 Jul 2008 20:43:13 +0800</pubDate> 
      <description><![CDATA[<table height="218"><tr><td vAlign="top">
		<h1><img src="../uploads/History/American Civil War Marines 1861-65.jpg"></h1> </td>
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		<p class="introText"><br/><font face="Arial" size="2">The first significant action by the Marine Corps took place during the battle of Bull Run on July 21, 1861. When MajGen Irwin McDowell's hastily prepared 35,000-man Federal army marched south to attack Confederate forces gathered around Manassas Junction in northern Virginia on July 16, Secretary of the Navy Gideon Welles volunteered the Marine battalion at the Washington Navy Barracks for service during the campaign. The unit was a product of the "call to arms" and the expansion of the Corps, and only the commander, Maj John G.Reynolds, Capt Jacob Zeilen and three other officers were experienced through "length of service." Of the enlisted men, only nine non-commissioned officers and two musicians were veterans; the remaining 336 enlisted men were raw recruits, some of whom had onlyjust been issued weapons. Attached to Col Andrew Porter's 1st Brigade of the 2nd Division, the Marines were assigned to follow Capt Charles Griffin's Battery D, 5th US Artillery an all-mounted regular Army unit. After jogging and stumbling along in "double quick time" behind Griffin's guns for several hours on July 21, the Marines were exhausted before the battle commenced. Porter's brigade was part of the Federal right wing deployed to cross Bull Run at Sudley Springs, in order to deliver a flank attack on Confederate positions northwest of Manassas. As such, it was not heavily involved in the early fighting. The Marines had difficulty keeping sight of Griffin's battery as it advanced into action, but eventually found the guns on Matthews Hill north of the Warrenton turnpike, from which point they were shelling the Confederate lines to the south.
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      <title><![CDATA[World War II Infantry Tactics - Company and Battalion]]></title> 
      <link><![CDATA[http://www.military-machine.com/article.asp?id=1452]]></link> 
      <category><![CDATA[History]]></category> 
      <author><![CDATA[Admin <null@null.com>]]></author> 
      <pubDate>Mon, 28 Jul 2008 22:07:40 +0800</pubDate> 
      <description><![CDATA[<table height="218"><tr><td vAlign="top">
		<h1><img src="../uploads/History/World War II Infantry Tactics - Company and Battalion.jpg"></h1> </td>
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		<p class="introText"><br/><font face="Arial" size="2">Although British tactics of 1939 and 1940, as outlined in the manuals Infantry Tactics and Infantry Section Leading, were more similar to their German counterparts than many sources would lead us to believe, there was an undeniable assimilation of enemy ideas in the wake of Dunkirk. The key tactical concepts listed in the 1942 Operations manual were: fire, to dominate the battlefield and overcome the enemy's fire; concentration, of both fire and 'will power', at a point of decision; security; surprise; and co-operation. The same year the provisional Instructors' Handbook on Fieldcraft and Battle Drill stressed such matters as infiltration, use of smoke, and platoons being reorganized into sections with pioneers for attack on fortifications - all elements represented in the German literature. It also outlined the theory of the 'Main Effort' on a narrow frontage, another significant parallel with German battalion and company tactical schemes. Detailed plans for attack were usually developed at brigade level as a result of reconnaissance and planning by 'R groups', and transmitted down to the unit through the meeting of 'O' or 'orders groups' comprising officers (and sometimes senior NCOs) of the units involved, near to the place where action was expected.
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